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Making a case for Nigeria women farmers – By Joel Adeniyi

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  In Africa, especially in Nigeria, over 80 per cent of the agricultural produce comes through small-scale and subsistence farming. The farmers mostly comprise women in the rural areas. In Nigeria, women make up the largest number of the workforce in the farm, engaging in agricultural activities that range from clearing and tilling of land, […]

How Kenyatta has gone about stifling the free press in Kenya

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File 20180206 14107 1ppvjtp.jpg?ixlib=rb 1.1
Kenya’s press must fight to protect its freedom.
Thomas Mukoya/Reuters

George Ogola, University of Central Lancashire

In a move that has exposed Kenya’s fragile democracy, the government recently shut down the country’s three biggest TV stations.

This unprecedented, unlawful and panicked response was supposed to ensure that there was no live coverage of the mock swearing in of the National Super Alliance (NASA) opposition leader Raila Odinga as the ‘People’s President’.

The government outlawed the January 30 event and threatened to charge Odinga with treason.

NASA has refused to recognise Uhuru Kenyatta as Kenya’s legitimate president even though he won the repeat presidential election last October. The repeat election was held after the Supreme Court annulled the first poll in August. NASA insists it won the August election and boycotted the repeat poll.

The media shutdown has been widely condemned by rights groups, politicians, and the public. It has also been condemned by the US, the European Union and the United Nations.

Not since former President Daniel Arap Moi’s tyrannical rule in the 1980s through the 1990s has a government been so brazen in its disregard for the rule of law and as antagonistic to a free press. In fact, recent events are the culmination of a sustained vindictive campaign by Kenyatta against the media in Kenya.

Evolution of repression

In the 1980s Moi’s government routinely jailed journalists and banned publications. With his exit from power this despotic streak abated. But media repression took new forms.

The government began to exert influence through selective advertising, suspect allocation of broadcast frequencies and the co-option of media owners and journalists.

Instances of raw intimidation were extremely rare. One such isolated incident occurred in 2005 when former President Mwai Kibaki’s wife stormed a media house, slapped a TV cameraman, and confiscated note books and tape recorders. She was protesting the perceived negative coverage of the first family.

Kenya boasts a relatively robust media with over 60 TV stations, more than 130 radio stations and several newspaper titles. But, the industry is dominated by three big players; namely the Nation Media Group, Standard Group and Royal Media Services. Successive governments have thus courted the support of these three groups which own NTV, KTN and Citizen, respectively – the three TV stations that were recently shut down by Kenyatta.

Rolling back the gains

Kenyatta’s clampdown on the media in Kenya was not entirely unexpected. Since first becoming president in 2013, his consolidation of political power has been ruthless. He has established a political system in which there is no clear distinction between the Jubilee Party and the state.

The police have been militarised, and alternative centres of political power both within the government and in the opposition are being dismantled.

Like his father Jomo in the 1970s and Moi in the 1980s, Kenyatta is slowly embodying the image of a dictator through a combination of co-opting Kenya’s wealthy economic and political class, and brute force.

Having won the 2013 elections in a controversial victory made possible through the support of a number of smaller political parties, Kenyatta later insisted on their dissolution and the formation of one umbrella party – Jubilee. He then became party leader.

Where he previously had to navigate the interests of various parties to implement his agenda, he can now make unilateral decisions with minimum opposition.

Kenyatta’s media strategy

To further consolidate his power Kenyatta has invested massively in Mediamax, his family’s media company which owns several radio stations, a television station and a national newspaper.

He has also attempted to co-opt sections of the mainstream media. Soon after his inauguration in 2013, he invited some of the country’s top editors and journalists to State House for a “breakfast meeting”. This, he said, was to open a new chapter in “press-state” relations.

The much criticised invitation was quickly repaid with sympathetic and sycophantic media coverage of the government. And, a few high-level journalists wereoffered plum state jobs.

But, some sections of the press refused to play ball, and the public turned against what was gradually becoming a pliant media. Soon after that the honeymoon ended and the media clampdown began in earnest. Just one year after becoming president, editors and media managers started getting routine summons to State House.

Kenyatta even had the gumption to warn journalists on World Freedom Day in 2014 that they did not have absolute freedom on what to publish or broadcast. Since then the clampdown has been relentless.

Last April, the government decided to stop advertising in local commercial media. State departments and agencies were directed to advertise in the government newspaper and online portal My.Gov.

While it claimed this was to curb runaway spending it was clear the decision was aimed at starving the mainstream media of advertising revenue. This move came not long after Denis Galava, a top Kenyan journalist and editor at the Nation Media Group, was sacked for writing a scathing editorial about the President.

More recently the deputy president’s spokesperson threatened a journalist with sacking following a news report that claimed the president and his deputy had disagreed over cabinet appointments.

Meanwhile, just days before Odinga’s “swearing in”, Linus Kaikai, chairman of the Kenya Editors Guild, claimed that a number of editors and media managers were summoned to State House and given a dressing down by the president, threatening to revoke the licences of those who broadcast the event live.

Kaikai and fellow Nation journalists Larry Madowo and Ken Mujungu have since been threatened with arrest. They had to go to court to obtain anticipatory bail to bar police from arresting them.

Free press vital

There are ominous signs that Kenyatta is on a mission to silence the press as he consolidates his power. The government’s decision to disobey the court order directing it to end the media shutdown shows disdain for the law, and press freedom.

Although the mainstream media hasn’t done itself any favours by cosying up to him, it has largely played a vital role in sustaining political accountability.

With both houses of Parliament dominated by the ruling Jubilee Party, a weakened civil society, and opposition leaders without the institutional capacity to meaningfully confront the government, Kenya’s mainstream media remains a bulwark against the country’s descent to authoritarianism.

The ConversationKenya’s mainstream media must thus reclaim its place and defend the many liberties currently at stake under Kenyatta’s government.

George Ogola, Reader in Journalism, University of Central Lancashire

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

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Why Nigeria must trade more with South Africa – Akin Oyebode

South African govt’s tax holiday for car makers to double production

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In South Africa, automotive industry accounts for about 7 per cent of GDP, with BMW, VW and Nissan putting money into the country. But, some said, the government’s plans may be over-ambitious.

 

SOUTH Africa is proposing to car makers, including Toyota, Ford and BMW, more than double production in return for tax breaks so the companies can ship the cars to Europe.

The automotive industry is one of the sources for GDP and has been one of the few highlights of a period of sluggish economic growth, according to the National Association of Automobile Manufacturers.

This can be put down to a state-incentive programme that expires at the end of 2020, which both the car manufacturers and the Minister of Trade and Industry, Rob Davies, are keen to extend for another 15 years.

At stake is a potential reversal of a steady flow of new investment by car makers. BMW has spent more than Rands 6 billion on a plant in Rosslyn, north of Pretoria, and last month started production of the X3 SUV at the site – the first time it’s been made outside the US.

Volkswagen (VW) and Nissan announced major expansion plans in 2015, while China’s Beijing Automotive International Corporation (BAIC) is constructing Rands 11 billion facility in Port Elizabeth.

With talks underway, the two parties are at odds on a number of issues — especially the state’s targets for what it wants the industry to achieve by 2035, according to NAAMSA Director, Nico Vermeulen.

A production increase over that period to one per cent of global output, or as many as 1.5 million vehicles a year, is over-ambitious, he said.

South Africa produced about 600,000 units in 2017, the majority for export, and NAAMSA forecasts an increase to 850,000 in 2020.

A second point of contention in the negotiations is a government demand for the vehicle makers to double the size of their combined workforce to about 225,000. This is unrealistic given the global industry’s shift toward robotics and automation, Vermeulen said.

The manufacturers are committed to increasing production and employment if the incentives are adequate, he said, but are reluctant to agree to specific targets.

Speaking in Port Elizabeth, where Volkswagen is the biggest employer, Davies said he’s “more or less at the point where we will take a decision as to what the government programme will be”.

There will be some changes to the present programme, such as deepening the incentives related to component manufacturing, though it will build on the present framework, he said.

Losing car makers would deliver an economic blow to South Africa, which must be careful to avoid a scenario similar to what’s unfolded in Australia, according to BMW’s Chief Executive Officer, Tim Abbott.

General Motors (GM), Ford and Toyota have all closed plants in Australia over the past two years, leading to hundreds of job losses. This was mainly due to a strengthening currency and competition from lower-cost labour markets.

For the automotive industry’s role in the economy to be sustained, an upgrade to the existing Automotive Production and Development Programme (APDP) must be seen by the car makers as a continuation of existing policy, according to Sam Rolland, an economist at Econometrix in Johannesburg.

Rolland said: “It’s likely that the replacement to the APDP will contain many elements similar to the current policy.”

He added: “This is to guarantee that car makers investing in the country are able to adequately plan production lines, production inputs and workforce requirements.”

 

Source: Business Live

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Ethiopia opens telecoms sector to limited competition

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Ethiopia’s state-run telecoms monopoly has agreed to allow some local firms provide Internet services through its infrastructure – a move seen as spurring competition and expanding the data market, officials said.

Ethio Telecom has more than 16 million subscribers of Internet services in the country of over 100 million people.

It generated over $1 billion in revenues in the first nine months of 2017/18, 70 per cent of which was earned from mobile services and 18 per cent from Internet.

“Our objective of signing Virtual Internet Service Provider (VISP) agreements is to increase subscriptions,” said Abdurahim Ahmed, the company’s head of communications.

“There may be price reductions. There will be competition among themselves, that is the core idea,” he told Reuters.

Abdurahim said eight firms have so far signed up to provide the services, which include different Internet packages. Foreign companies were not allowed to provide services, he said.

Ethiopia is one of few African countries to still have a state monopoly in telecoms. The companies that signed agreements with Ethio Telecom have either been established to sign up for this new business or they were previously doing other business.

The government has ruled out liberalising the telecoms sector, saying the revenue it generates was being spent on infrastructure projects, such as railways.

While Ethio Telecom has consistently increased annual revenue, vast parts of the country, including the capital, still suffer from occasionally patchy mobile reception and Internet services.

The low Internet penetration and poor quality of service in Ethiopia is often a drag on businesses and is especially seen as an obstacle to technology start-ups such as those that have thrived in neighbouring Kenya.

 

Source: Reuters

 

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How Digital Transformation is Accelerating Growth in Africa

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James Scott, Chief Digital Officer of Absa Corporate and Investment Bank, writes on how digital revolution is fast-tracking growth on African continent.
IF there was ever a time to watch progress in Africa, it would be now. As we have seen so many times before, the continent has the ability to leapfrog technological trends and with the rapid scaling of digital technologies we believe there are huge opportunities awaiting to be exploited. The explosion of digital continues to gain momentum and digital, data, design and the emergence of the Fintech sector are all fast becoming the driving force behind this.

All organizations across segments and sectors need to evaluate their strategies and their response to these trends. As a result, new business models are emerging, partnerships forming, innovation is scaling and the time is now to harness these trends to create more opportunities. Africa is in a unique position to take advantage of the digital trends that are emerging at present. As a continent, it remains the leader in mobile money with over $22 billion moved annually and that trend is likely to continue. With the underlying improvements in technological capabilities, connectivity and the proliferation of mobile devices he anticipates exciting times ahead for the digital transformation of the continent.

The growing use of big data, mobile, cloud computing and artificial intelligence gives organisations the ability to re-imagine client experiences, deliver products & services instantly to large numbers of clients at a lower cost. The other big trends that cannot be ignored are blockchain technology as well as the much talked about cryptocurrencies. These shift the way we think about international payments, trade finance, identity as well as the future of money itself. Over time Blockchain will bring transparency, cost reduction and efficiencies that organizations haven’t been able to offer before.
Thriving Fintech Ecosystem

But it’s not just emerging technologies that are changing the way Africa does business. The significantly lower barriers to entry technology has provided small businesses, has seen a thriving FinTech ecosystem emerge. In 2016 there was a 33% growth in investments into start-ups, that saw $367m flow into the sector. While there is a concentration of the Fintech’s around South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria this trend actually continues across the continent. Fintech companies on the continent are looking to go after African problems and opportunities, and many of these companies look into payments, remittances, identity, financial inclusion and leveraging data to improve credit scoring and access to basic financial products. These companies not only offer job creation, new revenue opportunities and cheaper methods of delivery but also improve financial inclusion. As of 2014 over 60% of the adults in Sub-Saharan Africa didn’t have bank accounts so by embracing the FinTech revolution, we will significantly improve basic access to financial services.

Partnerships and evolving business models

The World Economic Forum believes that partnerships with Fintech’s is one of the biggest business trends to watch this year, particularly in the technology space. It was initially feared that FinTech’s would disrupt the big players in the various fields however these previous ‘enemies’ are coming together to use one another’s strengths for mutual benefit.

Through these partnerships and start-ups, business models are starting to evolve and move into new and sometimes unexpected places. From this new digital perspective, the payments landscape is changing and becoming more competitive as young companies look to reduce the cost of transacting as well as bringing speed and agility to companies operating in the African corridor.

According to the 2017 PwC Global FinTech Report, 82% of the Financial Institutions interviewed expect to increase their FinTech partnerships in the next three to five years. This will most probably be met with quite a bit of internal resistance as bigger organisations grapple with the new ways of working required to partner effectively with more agile and quick acting start-ups. However, the key to making this a success is to choose the right people to partner with.

We cannot ignore the digital growth on the continent – as it opens up a wealth of opportunities to bring banking to the previously unbanked. With financial inclusion high on our list of priorities for Africa, we are excited about accelerating our digital growth in Africa.

 

The post How Digital Transformation is Accelerating Growth in Africa appeared first on AfricanLiberty.

Tax imposed on social media usage in Benin Republic has been revoked after citizens’ petition

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Following widespread criticism and outcry that trailed imposition of tax on social media usage in the Republic of Benin, the West African country has shown respect to the views of its citizens who fought against the social media and Internet tax law initiated last month.

The government introduced the law to tax its citizens 5 CFA francs ($0.008) per megabyte on the usage of social media apps, and another 5 per cent levy on texting and Internet calls. Civil society organisations described the decision as a move to silence critics.

Over 7,000 Beninese signed a petition calling for the suspension of the levy, which, they said, would not favour the country of a population of 10 million people with a minimum wage of about 40,000 CFA francs ($70.56).

Thousands of young Beninese used hashtags to protest against the tax.

President Patrice Talon, in a tweet, announced the repeal of the law on social media and Internet tax, saying the decision was reached “following a meeting the government ministers had with telecommunication companies”.

Digital rights advocates, Internet Sans Frontières (Internet Without Borders), attributed the “victory” to the activism and strength of the thousands of young Beninese citizens who engaged the government and enforced democracy in their country.

“Internet Without Borders welcomes this victory of digital citizenship in Benin. The mobilization online, around the Hashtag #TaxePamesMo (Don’t Tax My MegaBytes), showed to the world the anger of netizens in the country. This anger and indignation enabled them to denounce the tax and to enter into a dialogue with the authorities, which fortunately led to its cancellation. This case also shows the strength of the young Beninese democracy. The annulment of the social media tax is an important precedent for digital rights and freedoms in West Africa,” says Julie Owono, the Executive Director of Internet Without Borders.

This decision makes Benin the first African country to repeal a law on the internet tax after it joined the likes of Zambia and Uganda to impose taxes on internet usage despite a heavy backlash.

Kenya recently announced plans to impose taxes on the internet as part of the amendments of the country’s Finance Act which proposes a 15 per cent tax on internet services.

The amendment also includes an increased tax on telephone services and all money transfer services from the previous 10 per cent to 20 per cent. The tax will affect money transfer via mobile, banks, agencies and other financial service providers.

In Zambia, the government collects the taxes through mobile phone companies and internet service providers at a daily rate of 30 Ngwees (3 cents) per day, irrespective of how many Internet calls are made.

The whole Internet tax craze started in Uganda where the government ignored protests and imposed a mandatory 200 shilling daily levy (less than a dollar) for WhatsApp users while mobile money transactions also attracted a one per cent levy on the total value of each transaction.

In a bid to control what he called gossip and to rake in more revenue to the state, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni announced the taxes in April and it was approved by the parliament in May.

It is expected to raise between $108,000,000 (Sh 400 billion) and $270,000,000 (Sh 1.4 trillion) from social media users annually, the government said.

Ugandans have expressed disgust at the development, saying it infringes on individual freedoms.

Others are also wondering how social media companies that do business in Uganda will be taxed since internet access is not based solely on the activation of data bundles through the purchase of airtime from telecoms.

For some lawmakers, instead of taxing social media, the president must pay attention to the fight against corruption in government.

 

 

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In Memoriam, George B. N. Ayittey (1945 – 2022)

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African Liberty mourns with the rest of the freedom-loving world the passing of Dr. George B. N. Ayittey, who died in January 2022 in Alexandria, Virginia.

Dr. Ayittey distinguished himself as an Africanist per-excellence and one of the preeminent intellectuals

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